Read Wretched of the Earth by Frantz Fanon Constance Farrington Jean-Paul-Sartre Online

wretched-of-the-earth

Frantz Fanon (20 July 1925 - Dec 6 1961), a psychiatrist and a social philosopher black, was born in Fort-de-France - Martinique Islands, knew بنضاله of freedom and against discrimination and racismServed during World War II in the Free French Army and fought against the Nazis. He joined the medical school in the city of Lyon, specializing in psychiatry and then worked asFrantz Fanon (20 July 1925 - Dec 6 1961), a psychiatrist and a social philosopher black, was born in Fort-de-France - Martinique Islands, knew بنضاله of freedom and against discrimination and racismServed during World War II in the Free French Army and fought against the Nazis. He joined the medical school in the city of Lyon, specializing in psychiatry and then worked as a doctor militarily in Algeria in the French colonial period, served as Chairman of the Department of Psychiatry at Blida Joinville Hospital in Algeria, where since then then engaged in the ranks of the claimants of the country's independence from France. And treated victims of both sides to the conflict, despite being a French citizen. In 1955, he joined Franz Fanon as a doctor to the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN). Left secretly to Tunisia, and worked as a doctor in Manouba Hospital, and an editor at The New Mujahid spokeswoman for the front, also took direct organizational tasks, and other diplomatic and military super-sensitivityIn 1960 became the Interim Government of the Algerian Ambassador in Ghana. Fanon died at the age of 36 leukemia and was buried in the cemetery of the Algerian freedom fightersIs considered one of the most prominent of the books on against others in the twentieth century. And his writings inspired many liberation movements throughout the world, and for many decades. Frantz Fanon believed that the colonization resistance is the use of violence only of the oppressed hand, what is taken by force can be restored only by force....

Title : Wretched of the Earth
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ISBN : 9780802150837
Format Type : Paperback
Number of Pages : 316 Pages
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Wretched of the Earth Reviews

  • Aubrey
    2019-06-03 18:55

    Fans of Conrad, Morrison, Friere. Lovers of Things Fall Apart, Les Misérables, The Hunger Games. Definers of postcolonialism, social justice, revolution. Members of the military, political parties, life itself. Think on the lies you live by.The parameters do not matter. Neither do your excuses. If you are for peace, you are for it completely, or you are not for it at all. If you condone violence in any amount, the memorial, the dramatizations, the history of your people, you condone it all. When it comes to crimes against humanity, there is no compartmentalization.A country colonizes another. The colonizer breaks down the people, breaks down the culture, and bleeds the country dry. The colonized develops a pecking order, a few imbibing the parasitic infection to an extraordinary degree while the rest succumb to violence, starvation, madness. The colonizer manipulates these unavoidable results of unholy oppression into an argument, a Western science proving the natural degeneracy of the colonized, this concept of 'science' having as much truth to it as this concept of 'Western.' Better to call it 'Atlantic', the northeastern corner countries of this seascape infecting every other country within reach.The native must realize that colonialism never gives anything away for nothing.Nor will we acquiesce in the help for underdeveloped countries being a program of “sisters of charity.” This help should be the ratification of a double realization: the realization by the colonized peoples that it is their due, and the realization by the capitalist powers that in fact they must pay.Independence! Independence? Independence is the colonial country making certain concessions to certain people in return for certain benefits. Independence is those colonized souls, infected with Atlantic ideologies and addicted to a level of life standards, choosing the bourgeois over their country as a whole, assuming a well paying part of the colonizers' remaining structure and descending into depraved senility accordingly. Rich is rich and poor is poor, and in times of revolution the contempt of urban academic for rural masses is just as misguided and virulent. The result is a stunted obscenity pandering at the colonizers' ideal; there is no true independence without the entirety of the people.That famous dictatorship, whose supporters believe that it is called for by the historical process and consider it an indispensable prelude to the dawn of independence, in fact symbolizes the decision of the bourgeois caste to govern the underdeveloped country first with the help of the people, but soon against them.Because it is bereft of ideas, because it lives by its heredity incapacity to think in terms of all the problems of the nation as seen from the point of view of the whole of that nation, the national middle class will have nothing better to do than to take on the role of manager for Western enterprise, and it will in practice set up its country as the brothel of Europe.White is white and black is black, until you realize it is not a question of racism but an endemic of the comfort of the individual versus the blossoming of the people. What is at stake here is not "What do I have to lose?", but "What am I losing?". The question is not of violence or non-violence, unless you apply it to the whole spectrum of history and look just why exactly we have France and the U.S. and how morality is a pitiful question when put into the context of that next mouthful of bread. Neither is the former colonies catching up to the colonizers the solution, for the latter only exceeds in terms of capacity, in both speed and completeness, for obliteration of other and self.In the colonial context the settler only ends his work of breaking in the native when the latter admits loudly and intelligibly the supremacy of the white man's values.The passion with which native intellectuals defend the existence of their national culture may be a source of amazement; but those who condemn this exaggerated passion are strangely apt to forget that their own psyche and their own selves are conveniently sheltered behind a French or German culture which has given full proof of its existence and which is uncontested.Fact: countries that have progressed beyond Middle Age levels did so through brutal exploitation. Fact: countries that were exploited will return to near Middle Age levels if all colonizer influence is cut off. Fact: the fact that Germany is back on its feet while the 'Third World' continues to exist is not a matter of justice, but international economic dependencies. Fact: 'First World' inhabitants may have more nipples to suck, but that is a matter of luck, not sociocultural fortitude or their health as a human being. Fact: the slogan of the 'Western' world is torture, and torture includes brainwashing.They find out on the spot that all the piles of speeches on the equality of human beings do not hide the commonplace fact that the seven Frenchmen killed or wounded at Col due Sakamody kindles the indignation of all civilized consciences, whereas the...massacre of whole populations - which had merely called forth the Sakamody ambush as a reprisal - all this is of not the slightest importance.If your country has never been discredited on all levels of life, you don't understand. If your history has never been castrated and left to desiccate for centuries on end, you don't understand. If your existence has never been deemed by scientific communities to be a degenerate one in need of taming, you don't understand. If you have lived with hope longer than without, you don't understand. If you have given up your right to politically participate on any level due to middling inconvenience or panderings at anarchy, you will never, ever, understand. To educate the masses politically does not mean, cannot mean, making a political speech. What it means is to try, relentlessly and passionately, to teach the masses that everything depends on them; that if we stagnate it is their responsibility, and that if we go forward it is due to them too, that there is no such thing as a demiurge, that there is no famous man who will take the responsibility for everything, but that the demiurge is the people themselves and the magic hands are finally only the hands of the people.Everything can be explained to the people, on the single condition that you really want them to understand.If you don't understand that 'First World' and 'Third World' are labels signifying nothing but a world that likes to pit one lie against the other, if you don't understand the relationship between the oppression abroad and the violence at home, if you are willing to take the amputation of your individual satisfactions from the communal good lying down, you are doomed.Two centuries ago, a former European colony decided to catch up with Europe. It succeeded so well that the United States of America became a monster, in which the taints, the sickness, and the inhumanity of Europe have grown to appalling dimensions.A government or a party gets the people it deserves and sooner or later a people gets the government it deserves.Don't tell me you believe in the future. Tell me why, and how, and just what you are going to do about it."In your opinion, what should we have done?""I don't know. But you are a child and what is happening concerns grown-up people.""But they kill children too...""That is no reason for killing your friend.""Well, kill him I did. Now you can do what you like."

  • Paul
    2019-06-26 23:49

    This book is angry passionate, but written with great clarity and purpose. It is the classic critique of colonialism from the Marxist left with a powerful introduction by Sartre. It is written before Vietnam, before the changes in the sixties and by an eminent psychiatrist enmeshed in the struggle for freedom in Algeria. Fanon examines nationalim, imperialism and the colonial inheritance and manages to turn the traditional definition of the lumpenproletariat on its head.There are significant problems with the book; which are clear now. This is a very male book. The struggle is by men and the book is, on the surface, for men. When Fanon talks about intellectuals he refers to them as men. This was the zeitgeist of the left at the time, before feminism made an impact. It would be written differently today. The chapters about psychiatric disorders is very good and the descriptions gut wrenching; although many of the symptoms described would today be identified as post traumatic stress disorder. What this book really does of course is give you a sense of colonialism in Africa; the devastation and injustice. The opening of the book caused great controversy; "decolonization is always a violent phenomenon". People since have argued that the chapter on the necessity of violence is powerful, of course, but exaggerated and a bit over the top. Written in the heat of conflict. However, what we forgot is that the original colonization was much more violent and horrific. It can hardly be expected that at the end of empire and colonization people wave their colonial masters goodbye with a cheery "Thanks for all the fun!" Fanon understood this very well. It is a lesson we still have not learnt and we are still making the same mistakes with very similar results.

  • Colin
    2019-06-18 22:08

    My favorite part of this book was the chapter called "On Colonialism and Psychoanalysis" where Fanon talks about how psychology can be used to colonize and control people, and details how the French scientific community criminalized and pathologized Algerian people through psychology to further colonialism and racism. These concepts are central to radical disability activism and Disability Studies today, and Fanon originally published "Wretched of the Earth" in 1961. I had a hard time with the completely masculinist lens of Fanon's conception of "the colonized subject." A good example of this was the psychological sketch of a man who was, in Fanon's theory, traumatized by colonization and manifested this by becoming impotent because his wife had been raped. The sketch actually ended with the guy being quoted as saying "why did she have to tell me about it" and Fanon's focus was the guy's impotence, with no exploration of this woman's (or any other woman's) experience of rape and other violence connected with colonization. I also found the theory to be pretty dense and hard to get through. It's a pivotal historical work, written in the context of armed struggle at a particular point in history. It was good to read it because the theory has influenced many people whose work I like, such as Augusto Boal or David Roediger, and it's interesting to be able to pinpoint that influence more easily now.

  • Hadrian
    2019-05-31 17:48

    When we revolt, it is not for a particular culture. We revolt simply, because for many reasons, we can no longer breathe.This is one of those big important books which affected lots of peoples' thinking and influenced nearly everything written after it on the subject, which makes it very difficult to say anything new about it. That said, I'll write down my reactions anyway. Aside from the incisive writing style, the other main point a reader might notice how much Fanon manages to cram into three hundred pages. There are meditations on the use of violence by the oppressor to the oppressed and vice versa; the psychology of the racist and the target of racism; on what is necessary to create a new culture unencumbered by the shackles of colonial dictation; on the role of native intellectuals who have cozied up to the colonizer; and the pitfalls of any revolutionary state after the colonizer is thrown out. Mainly, how to prevent economic conflicts and tribal/religious divisions from tearing a new nation apart. There's an especially part (mentioned in Colin's review) on the abuse of psychology as a tool for racism. This is informed by Fanon's own expertise as a psychiatrist, and is a useful tool for understanding how racism can disguise itself in scientific language. For a contemporary example, anybody who brings up IQ scores as the sole determining factor in a discussion about poverty.Not everything he says here will match up with experiences today. That's expected. His life as a black man in colonial Martinique and in the Algerian War will be not quite the same as a black man today. That's historical context. Still, he says so much that is important and worth knowing that it is necessary to read him - as a tool for understanding psychology or a different personal perspective.

  • أحمد أبازيد Ahmad Abazed
    2019-06-20 17:05

    فرانز فانون, أحد الاستثنائيين الكبار الذين يجدر تذكّرهم في التاريخ الذي يُكتب الآن ويُراد له أن يكون عاديّاً من استعماراتنا المحلية الشبيهة باستعمار الغرباء الذي يكتب عنه فانون.

  • Ahmad Sharabiani
    2019-06-25 23:53

    Les Damnés de la terre = The Wretched of the Earth, Frantz FanonThe Wretched of the Earth (French: Les Damnés de la Terre) is a 1961 book by Frantz Fanon, in which the author provides a psychiatric and psychologic analysis of the dehumanizing effects of colonization upon the individual and the nation, and discusses the broader social, cultural, and political implications inherent to establishing a social movement for the decolonization of a person and of a people. تاریخ نخستین خوانش: یازدهم ماه نوامبر سال 1977 میلادیعنوان: دوزخیان روی زمین؛ نویسنده: فرانس فانون؛ مقدمه: ژان پل سارتر؛ مترجم: علی شریعتی؛ تهران، مجیدی، 1336؛ در 288 ص، چاپ سوم: با ترجمه: ابوالحسن بنی صدر، تهران، امیرکبیر 1357، در 193 ص، موضوع: تاریخ مستعمرات فرانسه، الجزایر - افریقا، از 1945 میلادی تا سال 1962 میلادی، قرن 20 ما. شربیانی

  • الاء الشنطي Ala Al-Shanti
    2019-05-30 19:00

    الاستعمار لا يمكن التحرر منه بالمعاهدات أو الاتفاقيات .. إن ما أخذ بالقوة لا يسترد إلا بالقوة ..مفهوم الاستعمار الذي تحدث عنه فانون ليس الاستعمار الخارجي فقط .. بل الاستعمار الداخلي .. إن ما تصنعه الحكومات بنا .. من تجويع و استعراض للطائرات التي لا تجد إلا رؤوس المواطنين للتحليق فوقها .. و زرع الخوف .. و تقليص التفكير ليصبح حول مائدة العشاء فقط .. إن ما يصنع بنا يجعلنا في حالة من الإنكار الداخلي لنا .. لكرامتنا .. لإنسانيتنا!في داخل كل منا... مستعمٍر .. و مستعمَر ..أيهما بلغ أشده .. استوطننا !الاضطهاد... ثمرة شجرة زرعها العنف منذ قرون ..و من يعتقد أن ما أخذ باقوة يمكن أن يسترد بمعاهدة سلام .. فلا أملك له إلا علامة تعجب تحوم فوق رأسي!فانون: " إن الشعوب المتخلفة تحطم أصفادها .. و الأمر الخارق أنها .. تنتصر!" .. ظهور الأحزاب السياسية في أي بلد متخلف يعني إغراق المطالب إلى قاع البئر .. على الأحزاب أن تظهر "بعد" الثورة .. و ليس قبلها ! الأحزاب إذا ظهرت قبل الثورة لن تكون سوى برجوازية وطنية كالاستعمار .. لكن بمنحى يختلف قليلاتحدث بإفاضة عن أهمية أدب المقاومة .. و كتب فيه غسان كنفاني بشكل أكثر روعة بالطبع عميق هذا الكتاب .. منذ مدة لم أقرأ كتاباً بروعته..الاء الشنطي

  • أنس خالد
    2019-06-17 23:47

    "...إن تصرُّف المثقف في هذه الفترة تصرُّف رجُل انتهازي رخيص، والحقُّ أن مناوراتِه لم تنقطع لحظة، والشعب لا يريد أن يُبعِدُه أو أن يُحرجه. فما يُريدُه الشعب هو أن يكون كل شيء مشتركـًا .. وجود ذلك الميل الغريب إلى التفاصيل لدى المثقف هو الذي سيؤجِّل انغماس المثقف في الموجة الشعبية العارمة. لا لأن الشعب عاجز عن التحليل، فهو يُحب أن تُشرَح له الأمور، هو يُحب أن يفهم مفاصل استدلال من الاستدلالات، يُحب أن يرى إلى أين هو ذاهب. ولكن المثقف المُستعمَر، في أول اتصاله بالشعب، يُركِّز اهتمامه على التفاصيل الدقيقة، ويصل من ذلك إلى نسيان هدف الكفاح نفسُه، ألا وهو إلحاق الهزيمة بالاستعمار".

  • عبلة جابر
    2019-06-08 21:54

    هذا الكتاب مهم جدا جدا لاسيما لنا كفلسطينيين فرانز فانون هذا المناضل الانساني الذي رأى ان لا خلاص للشعوب المستعمرة الا بالعنف والعنف فقط كفيل بقلب الطاولة علينا الآن لاسيما ونحن عند مفترق طريق ولربما طرق جديدة فرانز فنون الذي اتخذ من تجربة التحرير الجزائرية أنموذجا في دراسة الاضطرابات التي يحدثها الظلم والاحتلال على الشعوب هو بوصفه طبيبا نفسيا عاين اثر العذاب والجوع على الشعوب فرانز فانون الذي يقول لنا في آخر كتابه علينا ان نخلق إنسانا جديدا هذا الكتاب عبارة عن مشروع تحريري متكامل لكل شعب مستعمر سواء استعمارا سياسيا عسكريا او اقتصاديا يتطرق فانون الى الثقافة الشعر الرواية والأدب وأثرها في قيادة النضال يعالج المزالق ولربما المآذق الشعورية التي تندفع اليها شعوب العالم الثالث كتاب مهم جدا

  • Alex
    2019-06-25 00:05

    Deep in the bowels of libraries, past the celebrity memoirs and adventure stories, tattered in the stacks, there are dark things: books that are actively, overtly dangerous. Here's one now.Frantz Fanon's 1961 classic The Wretched of the Earth is about violence; it champions violence. It's a manual on how to be violent. Fanon is a genius, so it's seductive. It's like The Prince for African revolutionaries: concerned not with your bourgeois "morals" but with results. Here, let's summarize it with a Game of Thrones gif. (That's what the kids are doing, right?)This is a little bit of an oversimplification, some recent defenders say. Fanon (France FAN-un, less difficult than I thought it would be) isn't advocating violence for violence's sake; he wouldn't choose violence if he thought there was another option. He just thinks nonviolence is absurd. He sees violence as an inevitable response to colonialism, which is by definition violent. It's not that he's rooting for it; it's that he sees it. "The exploited realize that their liberation implies using every means available, and force is the first." And yet. When someone writes as eloquently and convincingly that violence is the first option, he is championing it. "Decolonization reeks of red-hot cannonballs and bloody knives," he says. "For the last can be the first only after a murderous and decisive confrontation between the two protagonists."Mandela in South Africa would show, decades after Fanon's death in 1961, that nonviolence can (sortof) work*. Fanon was dismissive of leaders like Mandela. “The unpreparedness of the educated classes, the lack of practical links between them and the mass of the people, their laziness, and, let it be said, their cowardice at the decisive moment of the struggle will give rise to tragic mishaps,” he said, inaccurately. He was all prole, all the time. "In the colonial countries only the peasantry is revolutionary. It has nothing to lose and everything to gain. The underprivileged and starving peasant is the exploited who very soon realizes that only violence pays.” But peasant-led revolutions have not always worked out super well either.Fanon, who fought for the native Front de Libération Nationale in Algeria's revolution, knew first-hand how quickly violence turns on itself. He found himself accusing the French of massacring 300 civilians in 1957; his own FLN was in fact responsible. It's unclear whether he knew that at the time. When you plunge your hands into blood, they get bloody. Jean-Paul Sartre, a supporter who wrote the preface to this book, says it baldly:“Get this into your head: if violence were only a thing of the future, if exploitation and oppression never existed on earth, perhaps displays of nonviolence might relieve the conflict. But if the entire regime, even your nonviolent thoughts, is governed by a thousand-year old oppression, your passiveness serves no other purpose but to put you on the side of the oppressors.” This is not true, but it describes a truth. Some people, faced with violence, will respond with violence. It's okay to get all judgey about that, as long as you were even more judgey about the original violence. If you weren't pissed off about that, you should ask yourself which side you're on. And if you choose violence yourself, here are your operating instructions. They're dangerous.

  • Jafar
    2019-06-04 21:52

    Today Sartre would be sent to Guatanamo for the introduction that he wrote for this book.

  • K.D. Absolutely
    2019-05-28 20:52

    Prior to reading this book, I had absolutely no idea about the French rule in Algeria. Both countries are too far from the Philippines for me to be concerned about. Because it is the reason why Mr. Fanon wrote this book (published in 1961), I had to Google that part of Algerian history in the middle of my reading. I learned that French colonization of Algeria took almost a hundred years (1830 to the 1900's) and it was one of the most bloodiest colonization in the history of the world. The height of the violence, however, happened only in 1954, when the National Liberation Front (FLN) launched the Algerian War of Independence which was a guerrilla campaign. The atrocities of France and the struggle of the Algerian people form the springboard of the essays Mr. Fanon included in this book. Yes, it seems that most of the chapters in this book were either delivered in a forum or submitted as separate articles during the time Mr. Fanon was among those Algerian rebels fighting for their country's independence. However, time is too short for me to grasp the details. So, while reading the book, I just thought of what Philippines underwent in its own colonizers: 300 years under Spain, 30 years under the USA and 3 years under Japan. The theories presented in the book are basically the same. The most shocking one is that the author espouses violence to overthrow the colonists. This is based on the belief that the colonized country is always on the lookout to replace the colonists. Eye for an eye. No wonder, this book has been read by militant rebels around the world.My favorite part is the chapter entitled Colonial War and Mental Disorder. In this part, the author shifted to real testimonies of the rebels. From being theoretical, this portion gives this non-fiction book the anthology of short stories feel. Oh boy, those being real stories? You will really cringe and feel sorry for the various mental disorders the Algerian people suffered from during their struggle. There is a story of two European boys who killed their Algerian friend because they would like to do what they see around them. Since they could not kill grownups, they killed their playmate, their friend. Why their friend? Because no sensible boy would agree to go with them in a forest except their friend.Another must-read from the 501 MUST READ BOOKS - HISTORY category. I spent 4 days reading this book and I did not regret every minute of it! Fiction readers must really shift to non-fiction from time-to-time to know the real stories of people and nations around them!

  • Bara' Ayyash
    2019-06-21 18:02

    كتاب رائع يتحدّث عن الإستعمار والتحرّر ومرحلة ما بعد الإستعمار، ويصف دور المثقف في تلك الفترة، ويفرّق بين المثقّف السلبي والمثقّف الذي يلجأ إلى الريف، ويبيّن الدور السلبي والإيجابي للأحزاب، والأمر الرائع في الكتاب هو الفصل الأول الذي يتحدّث فيه عن العنف كحتمية ضرورية لأي شعب يريد التحرر بشكل كامل من الإستعمارفانون: " إن الشعوب المتخلفة تحطم أصفادها .. و الأمر الخارق أنها .. تنتصر!" ..“إن تصرُّف المثقف في هذه الفترة تصرُّف رجُل انتهازي رخيص، والحقُّ أن مناوراتِه لم تنقطع لحظة، والشعب لا يريد أن يُبعِدُه أو أن يُحرجه. فما يُريدُه الشعب هو أن يكون كل شيء مشتركـًا .. وجود ذلك الميل الغريب إلى التفاصيل لدى المثقف هو الذي سيؤجِّل انغماس المثقف في الموجة الشعبية العارمة. لا لأن الشعب عاجز عن التحليل، فهو يُحب أن تُشرَح له الأمور، هو يُحب أن يفهم مفاصل استدلال من الاستدلالات، يُحب أن يرى إلى أسن هو ذاهب. ولكن المثقف المُستعمَر، في أول اتصاله بالشعب، يُركِّز اهتمامه على التفاصيل الدقيقة، ويصل من ذلك إلى نسيان هدف الكفاح نفسُه، ألا وهو إلحاق الهزيمة بالاستعمار”

  • kaśyap
    2019-06-09 18:45

    A psychological exploration of the oppressed and the oppressor. Analyzing the evolution of the native, he provides extraordinary insights into revolutionary change. Fanon was no champion of violence, he simply embraced the truth and portrayed the reality of a situation and the unfolding dialectic. He accurately describes the pitfalls of a postcolonial state, where the national bourgeoisie would turn into a profiteering caste, too glad to accept the dividends the formal colonial state hands out to it. This is very true of the Indian bourgeoisie who were very unconscious of their revolutionary role and demobilised the masses. For Fanon, only a radical democracy that involves the complete mobilisation and rising the consciousness of the masses can save a post-colonial society from the "caste of profiteers", military dictatorships and from the nation getting torn apart from tribal and religious differences. In countries where the urban proletariat were a minute faction, he was a champion of the peasant class and the lumpenproletariat as the revolutionary classes.At the end, he provides a list of wartime psychological case studies in harrowing detail. In the powerful conclusion, his ultimate message was of humanity. His warnings against the path of aping the west, against the obsession with the notion of catching up with the west. " European lifestyles should not tempt us to go astray. In European lifestyles and technology I see a constant denial of man, an avalanche of murders." How accurately he describes the "United States of America where the flaws, sickness, and inhumanity of Europe have reached frightening proportions". This is exactly what Gandhi feared too, that India would go on a path of trying to emulate western consumerism. In a world where there are limited resources, what happens when India tries to follow the unsustainable path of emulating the western levels of accumulation and consumption? Especially considering the fact that all the riches of the west were the result of the plundering of the third world. When India decided to follow the American path, the result is exactly what we see today, one very small section of the population extremely rich and a huge section of the population extremely poor.He wanted the third world to be the champion of new humanism. In today’s world where massive inequalities have been built up consciously, deliberately and systematically, where large sections of population live in a de-humanised condition, Fanon’s passionate message is very important to address the urgent need of radical redistribution of wealth and the means of production.

  • Zanna
    2019-06-04 17:58

    Paul's review reflects my own response, generally. I wrote many notes, but they are not interpretive. The first two sections felt like a thoroughly explained handbook for decolonisation, including the tactics a colonial administration will take to prevent it, and the many ways it can all go horribly wrong. The part on culture I was able to engage with a bit more critically. In the section on 'psychological disorders' the accounts of PTSD symptoms and professional torturers turning into compulsive torturers (of their wives and children) were not surprising but... helpful evidence? I found the quotations of scientific racism and how this was taught to Fanon and his colleagues very extreme, shocking, yet this is the colonial foundation... Notes & Quotes:'Africa is divided into Black and White, and the names that are substituted—Africa South of the Sahara, Africa North of the Sahara—do not manage to hide this latent racism. Here, it is affirmed that White Africa has a thousand-year-old tradition of culture; that she is Mediterranean, that she is a continuation of Europe, and that she shares in Greco-Latin civilization. Black Africa is looked on as a region that is inert, brutal, uncivilized, in a word, savage. There, all day long you may hear unpleasant remarks about veiled women, polygamy, and the supposed disdain the Arabs have for the feminine sex. All such remarks are reminiscent in their aggressiveness of those that are so often heard coming from the settler's lips.'“for the native 'objectivity' is always directed against him”A contrast is made between the working class (urban proletariat) of a capitalist country, which has nothing to lose and everything to gain from revolution, and the same class in a colonised country, who have everything to lose, because they are a privileged class compared to the mass of the peopleProblems of cultural colonisation do not matter to the majority of the people who are concerned with land, bread and dignityThe colony's economy is part of the 'mother country's', it is not a national economy.“If the building of a bridge does not enrich the awareness of those who work on it, then that bridge ought not to be built and the citizens can go on swimming across the river or going by boat. The bridge should not be parachuted in from the above, imposed upon the social scene”National consciousness must move on to social and political consciousness...African unity is the most dangerous idea to colonisation, so colonisers will 'pull every string' to create 'tribalism' racism, religious bigotry among native populations.After an era ruled by a national bourgeoisie everything must start from scratch – this class is utterly uselessNative intellectuals feeling the effects of cultural colonisation, feeling cut off from the people, are at risk of imitating the coloniser's idea of the native, ie as 'uncultured' from that perspective as possible“The colonial situation calls a halt to national culture in almost every field” It can NEVER flourish or give birth to new forms under colonialismRehabilitating pre-colonial culture is important because the colonising power's central myth is that they came to 'lighten the darkness' 'if we left you'd go back to the dark ages'the poverty of the people, national oppression and the inhibition of culture are the same. 'After a century of colonial dominaton we find a culture which is rigid in the extreme, or rather what we find are the dregs of culture, its mineral strata'White jazz specialists reacted negatively to new developments like be-bop after WWII – to them jazz must be 'forever the nostalgia of a broken old Negro trapped between alcohol, the curse of race, and the racial hatred of the white man''the nation's effort must be adjusted into the general background of underdeveloped countries'

  • Ibrahim Saad
    2019-05-26 22:45

    وانتهى ذلك العهد، وأخذت الأفواه تنفتح من تلقاء ذاتها، وظلت الأصوات الصفراء والسوداء تتحدث عن نزعتنا الإنسانية، ولكنها أصبحت تفعل ذلك لتأخذ علينا أننا غير إنسانيين. وأصبحنا نصغي إلى تلك الآراء اللبقة التي تعبر عن المرارة، دون أن نشعر بالاستياء. لقد أحسسنا في أول الأمر بدهشة يمازجها كبر: كيف؟ أيتكلمون من تلقاء أنفسهم؟ انظروا مع ذلك ماذا خلقنا لهم ؟ وكنا لا نشك في أنهم يقبلون مثلنا الأعلى ، ما داموا يتهموننا بأننا لسنا أوفياء له . وآمنت أوروبا عندئذ برسالتها: لقد حملت الثقافة الإغريقية إلى الآسيويين، لقد خلقت هذا النوع الإنساني الجديد، نوع الزنوج الإغريق- اللاتين. وكنا نضيف إلى ذلك سرًا فيما بيننا: دعوهم يعوون فذلك يسري عنهم، إن الكلب الذي ينبح لا يعض . و جاء جيل جديد نقل المسألة الى أفق آخر. لقد حاول كتاب هذا الجيل و شعراؤه أن يشرحوا لنا، في كثير من الصبر، أن قيمنا لا تناسب حقيقة حياتهم، و انهم لا يستطيعون أن ينبذوها نبذاُ كاملاً، و لا أن يهضموها. و كان معنى ذلك على وجه الاجمال هو هذا: انكم تشوهوننا، فالمذهب الانساني الذي تأخذون به يدعي اننا و سائر البشر سواء، و أعمالكم العرقية تفرق بيننا و بين غيرنا. و كنا نصغي الى كلامهم في كثير من الاسترخاء: إن حكام المستعمرات لا تدفع لهم أجور كي يقرؤوا هيجل، و هم لذلك لا يقرؤونه كثيراً. و لكنهم ليسوا في حاجة الى هذا الفيلسوف لكي يعرفوا ان هذه الضمائر الشقية المعذبة تربكها تناقضاتهم . ولا جدوى، فلنجعل شقاءهم إذن يستمر، فلن يخرج من ذلك إلا هواء. وكان الخبراء يقولون لنا: إذا كان في تأوهاتهم هذه ظل من مطمح، فهو التوق إلى الانضمام. ولا مجال طبعًا لمنحهم هذا الانضمام : وإلا كنا نهدم النظام الذي يقوم على زيادة الاستغلال كما تعلمون . ولكن يكفي أن ندع هذه الجزرة مائلة أمام أعينهم حتى يركضوا . أما أن يثوروا فذلك ما كنا مطمئنين إلى أنه لن يكون: أي واع من هؤلاء السكان الأصليين يمكن أن يمضي إلى قتل أبناء أوروربا الحسان لأن غايته الوحيدة هي أن يصير أوروبيا مثلهم؟ لقد كنا إذن نشجع تلك الألوان من الأسى وفي ذات مرة لم نجد ذيرا في أن نمنح أحد الزنوج جائزة جونكور : وكان ذلك قبل عام 1939 والآن 1961 اسمعوا هذا الكلام " علينا ألا نضيع الوقت في ثرثرات عقيمة أو في لغو يبعث على الاشمئزاز، فنترك هذه لأوروبا التي لا تفرغ من الكلام عن الإنسان وهي تقتله جماعات حيث تجده، في جميع نواصي شوارعها، وفي جميع أركان العالم، لقد انقضت قرون، وهي تخنق الإنسانية كلها تقريبا باسم مغامرة روحية مزعومة من ذا الذي يجرؤ أن يتكلم بهذه اللهجة؟ إنه إفريقي، إنسان من العالم الثالث، كان مستعمرا، وهو يضيف إلى ذلك قوله: «إن أوروبا قد بلغت من الجنون والاضطراب في سرعتها أنها ماضية إلى الهاوية، التي يحسن الابتعاد عنها، وبتعبير آخر، إنها أفلست، هذه حقيقة لا يجمل قولها، أليس كذلك يا أعزائي أهل أوروبا؟ لكنها حقيقة، نحن جميعاً مقتنعون بها في قرارتنا، بين اللحم والجلد منا .." أيها الأوروبي، إني أسرق كتاب عدو، فاتخذه وسيلة لشفاء أوروبا من دائها .. انتفع بهذا الكتاب "- من مقدمة جان بول سارتر التي وجهها لأوروبا عن الكتاب -

  • Matthew
    2019-06-02 00:04

    Like Fanon's previous (and, from my perspective, better) work Black Skin, White Masks, as a middle class caucasian male (MC^2, if you will) it's difficult to offer a critique to The Wretched of the Earth that feels either relevant or responsible. After all, in Fanon's terms, I am (at least through complacency) part of the problem that this work tries to solve: writing this review is a bit like a 1950's Republican critiquing The Feminine Mystique. (Is there really anything to learn here, apart from what form the self-justification will take?)Of course, at least in part, a strength of this book comes exactly from its unwillingness to concede anything, to concede any kind of legitimate authority -- even as a reader -- to colonialism, and the citizens of colonial powers. Uncompromising: it's a word that's thrown around a lot, but in this case really fits. There are echoes of Marx here, and Sun Tzu and Machiavelli, but these influences are really incidental as with chilling logic, and singleminded purpose, Fanon discusses the need to oppose colonialism through armed resistance and the challenges facing nascent post-colonial states. His agenda is pragmatic, not theoretical; specific to a time and place, rather than aspiring to the universal. This book is a psychological how-to manual for insurgency and revolutionary warfare.Although it's difficult to find counter-arguments to Fanon's conclusion that armed revolt is essential to ending colonialism, it's also difficult (at least, sitting here in my comfortable middle class apartment) to approve of his conclusions. Easy to say, Fanon would argue, and also the predictable response of the established colonial power. True, but in the clarity of historical hindsight it also seems apparent that -- in most cases -- violence only breeds further violence, and that the most successful revolutions, like those of Gandhi and MLK, were the (relatively) bloodless ones.

  • Mohamed IBrahim
    2019-06-09 18:42

    هذا الكتاب كتاب استثنائي، تكمن روعته الأساسية أنه يتحدث عن الواقع العام للمعذبين في الارض فعلا يكتبه إلى حاملي لواء التغيير والاستقلال وتحقيق النهضة لبلادهم وأمتهم يتحدث فيه عن الاستعمار القديم وكيف يسلم الدفة ويرحل للاستعمار الجديد يتحدث عن كيف يخون رفاق الامس الثورة ويحلل ان هذا كان وضعاً طبيعياً فالثورة لم تكن في وعيهم أو في مصالحهم سوي ان يحصلوا علي سلطة وامتيازات الاستعمار فيسلم لهم الاستعمار تلك السلطة علي أن يصبحوا أتباعه المخلصين. الكتاب موجه للمناضلين جميعا سواء أكان هذا المناضل سياسياً ام مثقف او أديب، الي المناضلين من الفلاحين والعمال والمترجمين والاطباء وغيرهم. كتاب يجب ان يقرأ وتدرك مقولاته التحليلية التي تقدم نموذجا لكيف يمكن ان ينجح النضال ضد الاستعمار وكيف يمكن ان يتحول إلى استعمار من النوع الجديد.يقوم فانون بتحليل مفهوم الهوية والاعتراف بها ويقدم طرحاً جديداً لموضوع العنف. فهو لا يرى في العنف الثوري مجرد عنف مضاد للعنف الاستعماري الهمجي – كما يظن محاربين العنف- بل له وظيفة تحررية تقوم على الاعتراف بالهوية و بالثقافات -التي عمل الاستعمار على محوها والتقليل من شأنها- ومن ثم احيائها. فالعنف وفقاً لفانون له وظيفة اجتماعية وكذلك نفسية تتعلق بعودة الوعي واكتشاف الهويّة يصعب تصور التحرر من دونها.* تحديث نشرت مدارات مع بداية العام 2017 الملحق الذي لم يكن فى نسخة الكتاب الذي قرأته في بدايات العام 2016 والمعنون بعنوان "غياب البعد الإسلامي في نصوص فانون، الإسلام المسكوت عنه في كتاب معذبو الأرض"أنصح بقراءته للجميع فهو يعطي لمحة عن الظروف التي جعلت فرانز فانون ربما يتجاهل عن عمد البعد الإسلامي واسهامات جمعية العلماء المسلمين التي مهدت الأرضية للثورة الجزائرية

  • Banan Tawileh
    2019-05-30 22:46

    "آه يا جسدي، اجعل منّي انساناً يسائل دائماً !". كانت هذه العبارة من آخر ما صرخ به فانون وهو على فراش الموت، وبقيت من أكثر ما يعرّف هذا الإنسان ، والذي سيظلَم لو وصف بالثوري، فرانز فانون إنسان نبضت الثورة فيه حتى مماته،حتى لكانك تخاله أمامك وهو يكتبلك و يسائلك . كان فانون من أوائل من حددوا بأن ثورية الكتابة لا تتحدد بالكتابة عن الثورة فقط، وإنما بأسلوبها المتحرر من كل أشكال الخطاب الميتة و نتاج الفكر الاستعماري ، فولد هذا الكاتب ، ابن مناخ الخمسينات والستينات التحرري ، والذي كان مرجعا رئيسيا للثورة الجزائرية في ظل تهميش الكتابة عنها سنينا طويلا . استطاع فانون وبكل ممنوعاته أن يزعج السؤال بداخلنا وأن يحركه و يؤسس لاضطرابه الدائم انطلاقا من جراحه وآلامه الصادقة ، وما أدركه من تحول العالم حوله لشيء يستمد وجوده من كل ماحوله سواه.، فكانت أفكاره تلك التي يتحاشاها الموت ، وكانت ذلك الجرح القريب المفتوح دائما ، إن فانون يلاحقنا بصدقه و يسائلنا حتى نأتي بهذا العالم إلى الدنيا الحقيقية التي خلق ليكون على شكلها .من أعظم ما قرأت حتى الآن

  • Juwairia Adely
    2019-06-17 18:44

    تحليل وافي عن مناهضة الإستعمار ووسائله لتوطين نفسه ونبذ السكان الأصليين ومحو وعيهم وهويتهم وإنسانيتهم ومن ثمَّ تكريس النظرة الدونية فيهم وكيف أن كل هذه العوامل تساعد على ترسيخ مقاومة المحتل في أعماق الوعي وان الثورة لا تتم إلا بالشعب الساكن في الأرياف بمدّ جسر التواصل بين المثقفين من سكان المدن والريفي البسيط ، ويكمل "فرانز" بكشف ألاعيب المستعمِر ومحاولته لإجهاض الثورة و دور الأحزاب بعد الاستقلال وتأثير الأدب والثقافة في التوعية والإرشاد ... يحاول "فرانز" أن ينفض عن الانسانية ما فرضته أنانية أوروبا في عبارته :فمن أجل أوروبا ومن أجل أنفسنا، ومن أجل الانسانية، يجب علينا يا رفاق ان نلبس جلدا جديدا، ان ننشيء فكرا جديدا، وان نحاول خلق إنسان جديد .

  • Sara Salem
    2019-06-04 20:01

    Fanon's work has been ground-breaking in so many ways.

  • Anna
    2019-06-14 19:06

    It took me some while to get through 'The Wretched of the Earth', as it is a painful book to read and a period of history that I know far too little about. Fanon systematically dissects the phenomenon of colonialism, with a focus on Algeria and its attempts to break free from French rule. He explains how the native population is dehumanised by their occupiers, enslaved, exploited, killed, raped, and their land treated as a resource to be expropriated. He demonstrates the pernicious pseudo-scientific racist rationalisations, used to justify colonialism as protecting native populations from their own worse nature. Beyond this damning indictment, Fanon examines the problems that face a decolonised country and their possible solutions. I was also struck by the analysis of decolonised countries having no real middle class, merely a group of middlemen as a legacy of colonisation. These sections remain unsettlingly relevant today, as African countries are still faced with developed world protectionism weighting international trade against them. The world remains resolutely unequal and is only becoming more so.Reading this book reminded me of a realisation I came to at the age of 20. Prior to that point, I had been idealistically contemplating a career in the international development, to try and alleviate the terrible poverty there. Then I begun to actually study development economics and it hit me that the interference of naive, privileged, white university graduates from the developed world is not going to solve the problems of the developing world. Rather, such interference is a major part of the problem and part of the legacy of colonialism. I came to be horrified at the sheer arrogance of much international development discourse, which carries the underlying message that, 'We in the developed world know best, just do as we say'. Fanon ends his book with a powerful entreaty that decolonised countries avoid trying to emulate Europe and America, which is just the agenda that the IMF and World Bank push. Apart from the ways in which this agenda benefits multinational companies at the expense of the developing world, it ignores the fact that Europe's present economic success is based on centuries of slavery and rapacious theft. Fanon makes a striking point about this, noting that reparations were demanded from Germany after the Second World War, but decolonised countries have never even had the chance to ask for similar compensation for the crimes against them and the resources stolen. To this day, the developed world gets far more from the developing world than it gives back. As things often do, this also reminded me of climate change, which is essentially a problem the rich world has created that disproportionately affects the poor world. (Don't get me started on the appalling arrogance of the developed world in international climate negotiations.)Fanon doesn't just elucidate the big picture, however. The last section of 'The Wretched of the Earth' details case studies of psychological disorders he has come across during Algeria's war of independence. These reinforce the message (also put across powerfully by Vasily Grossman in a Russian context) that one who sees others as less than human loses their own humanity, and indeed their sanity. Fanon's case studies describe the mental states of both colonial torturers and their victims. It is made clear, here and throughout, that violence begets violence. The colonial authorities accuse natives of being inherently violent and criminal, without acknowledging that colonialism forces them to be so. Treat a whole race as less than human and they will have nothing to lose from resorting to violence. Fanon explains this much more eloquently, of course. I think it's important that Fanon's 1961 book is still read as a reminder of the legacy of colonialism, both on a continental and individual scale. After all, the racism and injustice that he describes is in no way eradicated. His writing style is eloquent, clear, and articulate, despite every word resonating with anger. It's an incredibly powerful combination.

  • Hussein Dehghani
    2019-06-25 00:48

    » دوزخیان روی زمین » در آخرین سال حیات فانون نوشته شد و به چاپ رسید و شهرت و نفوذ امروز فانون بیشتر زادهء این کتاب است. این کتاب به نحوی مرتب و منظم بر اساس جامعه شناسی نوشته شده است. فانون از صحنهء جنگ الجزایر که هنوز ادامه داشت کناره می کشد و وضع وخیم جهان سوم را به طوری کلی از نظر می گذراند. علاقهء فانون اغلب به سخن موجز و جملات قصار است. سیمای وسیع و بزرگ جهان سوم با ضربه ها و حرکات پی در پی قلمی تصویر می شود که مدام از رنگ آفریقا عاریت می گیرد. فانون، دربارهء آسیا چیزی نمی گوید. کتاب در زمان حال روایت می شود ولی ترتیب و توالی تاریخی فانون در نوسان های کوتاه میان زمان گذشته و حال، حال و آینده و آینده و گذشته، خود را گم می کند. بار دیگر » هست » و » باید باشد » و » واقعی » و » خیالی «، درون اظهار نظری قاطع به صورتی یکجا و یک کاسه ارائه می شوند. با وجود اینها، دوزخیان روی زمین یکی از اسناد سیاسی عصر ماست و الهام‌بخش جنبش آزادی‌خواهی ضد امپریالیستی برای بیشتر از چهار دهه بوده‌است. این کتاب همچون قالبی نیست که فانون رویداد انقلاب را در آن ریخته باشد، بلکه بیان علمی یک آزمایش انقلابی است. نظرها و قالب های از پیش ساخته نیستند که محک انقلاب الجزایرند، بلکه این انقلاب الجزایر است که در کتاب دوزخیان زمین به مثابه محک صحت و سقم نظریه ها به کار می رود.

  • Jamie
    2019-06-13 18:08

    Not rating this one, because it would be impossible. I read this as a recommendation to learn more about the French-Algeria conflict. It was more philosophical than factual, which is what I needed (but I've found another one for that.) but the philosophy was though provoking. Especially as I look at his theory of colonization and decolonization based on experiences of my own lifetime (the Balkans, Rwanda) Recently, I was watching an episode of the super annoying Treme, and the scene was the New Orleans Jazz and Heritage Fest. I said "I could never go to this and hang out with all these horrid NPR listeners." Then, I read this, in a book written in 1961, "And it is not unrealistic to think that in 50 years or so the type of jazz lament hiccuped by a poor, miserable "Negro" will be defended by only those whites believing in a frozen image of a certain type of relationship and a certain focus of negritude." Unbelievably prescient, Mr. Fanon. I wish you had lived longer.

  • Safa Rawashdeh
    2019-06-03 20:08

    عندما بدأت قراءة الكتاب لم أكن أعلم شيئاً عنه أو عن الكاتب ، كنت أتوقعه رواية كما البؤساء ربما الاسم هو ما دفعني لمثل هذا التصور ، لكن اتضح لي أنه قد وقع بين يدي كتاب فكري يناقش حرية الإنسان على المستوى الفردي وعلى مستوى المجتمع ، كتاب عظيم سُعدت جداً بقراءته . بعدما أنهيته عدت لأقرأ عن الكاتب وعن الكتاب وأفهم التجربة الإنسانية التي تمخّض عنها هذا الفكر الراقي . من الكتاب "يستطيع الإنسان على صعيد الفكر أن يتشوّف إلى أن يكون دماغ العالم , أما على صعيد الحياة المحسوسة الملموسة حيث نرى كل عمل يؤثر في الوجود المادي والروحي فإن العالم هو دماغ الإنسان دائماً , إذ على هذا المستوى تتجمع القدرات والوحدات المفكرة والقوى المحركة التي تحقق التقدم والكمال, على هذا المستوى إنما يتم انصهار الطاقات ويتحقق مجموع القيم الفكرية للإنسان "

  • muaad alqaydy
    2019-06-15 19:42

    الكتاب يحلل شخصية المستعمَر .. ونفسية القهر والمقهور .. واختلاط المقاومة بالرغبة في تأكيد الذات، وما يفعله المستعمِر من عملية طمس تام لمن يستعمرهم .. وأثر ذلك على الحياة العامة .. وعدم القدرة على المقاومة كيف يكون أثره ع النفسيات والحياة وتعامل الناس مع بعضهم .. وكيف يحول الاستعمار/الاستبداد/الاستعباد/ الناس إلى مستبدين على بعضهم وينتهبون بعضهم .. الكتاب جيد ومفيد .. ويفسر كثير من عقليات الاستبداد وهي شبيهة بالاستعمار وتحدث عنه جورج طرابيشي وعقد مقارنة بينه وبين كتاب الانسان ذا البعد الواحد لهربرت ماركوز في المقدمة وأن الأول يتحدث عن الانسان العربي (فانون) والثاني يتحدث عن الانسان الغربي (ماركيوز) ..

  • Jane
    2019-06-11 21:09

    I recommend Colin's review, especially on Fanon's masculinist approach - go read that.Other things to say - I think "On Violence" is the best essay in the book, and put in front for a reason. It's brilliantly written, an unforgettable indictment of the utter, unforgivable evil of colonialism. I won't forget Fanon's characterization of Nazi Germany's empire as colonialism within Europe, which I think is incredibly illuminating. That said, I hate the way discussions of "On Violence" seem to go. People often frame the discussion of violence in terms of "inevitability" or "justification." But what are the costs of anti-colonialist violence to the colonized people? What are the complexities of the colonized society? Is the colonized great-grandmother a less typical or worthy subject to consider than the young, abled, straight, colonized man? Fanon was a humanist. Shouldn't humanists seriously consider the merits of hiding in the basement? I'm not talking about what's justified - I'm talking about people making rational, non-mystical choices about what's best for them and theirs. Did the Warsaw rebels really make a better choice than moms who tried to stay with their kids as long as they could, even to the camps and death?There's an impulse to say, well, this is a historical document. But terrorism, important in the Algerian struggle, is far from dead. The strategies Fanon is talking about are still with us. What attitude will we take to them? Are colonized (or formerly colonized) people well served by them? If you succeed in killing a few hundred, or a few thousand, of the enemy (and that's granting the premise of "the enemy," which will not always be the case - that is, you're likely to kill other people who are also victims of colonialism), is that a victory? Does it advance your cause, make you or your people safer, healthier, more prosperous, more free, happier, more sane? Such questions should not be buried in a flurry of mystification, as if they were heretical. To speak of "inevitability" is to treat colonized people as machines, and to erase all differences among them and among the strategies they have adopted.To bury reasonable questions in mystification, to make them unthinkable, is the lingering method of cadre-group-style Marxism, whose discursive mode is still with us and mars Fanon's book. It also seeks to deflect our attention from the costs and crimes of communist states. Let's not celebrate the great revolutionary victories of Fanon's era till we've finished counting the dead.And yet - 4 stars.

  • Andrew
    2019-06-21 19:53

    Frantz Fanon was considered a radical thinker in his time. But nowadays, who honestly defends colonization? Maybe a few old right wing French and Brits muttering through their mustaches in smoke-filled bars in Aix-en-Provence and Sheffield, but the rest of us have come to realize the truth of the matter. In "Black Skin, White Masks," Fanon performed a subtle psychological analysis of the colonial situation, but in "The Wretched of the Earth," he takes his fight to the streets. And he has plenty of horror stories from his work as a clinical psychiatrist in Algeria to back it up.Fanon, also, unlike some of his acolytes, approached the postcolonial situation with a certain degree of skepticism. He recognized the follies of tribalism, and the vicious economic imperialism being conducted by French and American corporations in the newly liberated nations of Africa, the Arab World, and Asia. And, much like the Senegalese filmmaker Ousmane Sembène, he demonstrates how the vulgar nouveaux-riches of those nations are just as much the enemy of the people of the third world as the colonists. While Fanon's analysis is a bit dated now, the heart of the matter remains the same, and this is still very relevant reading for anyone interested in the developing world.

  • Nora
    2019-05-26 22:05

    Must-read for those interested in the effects of colonialism & skeptical about the inevitability of violent rebellion. May not convince you of the necessity of violence, but will explain a few things about the psychology of colonialist occupation. it's not a perfect book - it's full of bitterness and vitriol, but some of its insights are astounding.

  • Ben
    2019-06-21 19:06

    This is the book to read to understand the exploitative relationship between the colonizers and the colonized and is a damning critique on the history of colonialism as an institution(particularly in the French-Algerian context). It is a blend of anthropology, sociology, philosophy and psychology (Fanon's roots were in medicine, and particularly psychiatry, after all, and we can sense an indebtedness here to the writings of Freud, whom Fanon cites in the text). Parts of it seemed also to draw on Sartre's Anti-Semite and Jew, particularly Fanon's discussion of how colonialism can lead to a denial of (or loss of) the self. It is fitting in this sense, not just because of both of their ties to the Left and to Marxism, but because of the overlapping of their research/philosophical interests that Sartre wrote the preface for this book in 1961.Sartre's preface, though chastised by Homi Bhabha in his foreword and criticized sharply by many, notably Hannah Arendt, for its focus on violence, is very engaging and certainly vitriolic. The great thinker on free will and humanism that he was, Sartre condemns the system, the colonizers in Europe, "that super-European monster, North America," and the hypocritical liberals (we are all part of the problem, but we can also be part of the solution). He writes "Have the courage to read it, primarily because it will make you feel ashamed, and shame, as Marx said, is a revolutionary feeling." It is with a sense of shame that we encounter this work, as Sartre says, but it also leaves us with a sense of hope that things can be different, a sentiment Sartre expounds later on, but also just a few sentences later when he writes, "I, a European, am stealing my enemy's book and turning it into a way of healing Europe." When reading any translation, so much can be lost. And I don't know if it was for this reason or just due to more engaging styles of writing that I found greater satisfaction in the sections by Homi Bhabha, Jean-Paul Sartre and the translator Richard Philcox (then there is the fact that this book was put together when Fanon was in a fever, halfway between life and death -- these his final thoughts, important, but perhaps not quite as organized as they could have been given different circumstances; but this is only suppositional). I enjoyed Richard Philcox's discussion of the translation itself, where he states that he was trying to make Fanon relevant again for a new generation, "bringing a dead translation back to life." I think both he and Homi Bhabha (in the foreword) make strong cases for the continued relevancy of Fanon in our world today, the former pointing to the conflicts in the Middle East, the latter pointing to the effects of globalization. The main work itself, I would probably give 4 stars -- it is an explosive and engaging work, filled with Fanon's righteous indignation and intriguing thoughts -- but it is elevated by the writings that accompany it. Fanon needs no crutches. He stands well enough on his own. But the accompanying pieces add to the whole, like that certain piece of furniture in an already well-decorated room. None of this is intended to minimize the importance of what Fanon has to say. His critiques of dualism, his reflections on art in colonial society, his psychological case studies, his thoughts on violence, are all very intriguing and must be read, for though the colonial system may have been dismantled, the problems he discusses are still with us today. After reading Fanon it is easy to see why the New York Review of Books called him a "Black Rousseau . . . Jacobin in method, Rousseauist in spirit, and Sartrian in language." I would add that a comparison to Thomas Paine would not be unjustified. But Fanon, too, is much more than this. Reading Fanon can cause us a sense of shame, but it is in understanding the problems that we can create a new future that recognizes the humanity and dignity deserved by all.